Ise Jingu and Amaterasu omikami

Shunsai Toshimasa "Iwato kagura"
courtesy of Wikipedia

As readers of this blog are well aware 2013 is the year of the shikinen sengu—the periodic rebuilding of Ise Jingu. In honor of that event I am reviewing some literature that pertains to Ise, Amaterasu and related aspects of the shrine and its worship, which have contributed to my knowledge of the subject.

In Shinto Shrines; A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion, I have included an eight-page entry on the shrine and its deity and I will not repeat that information here. Instead, I will try to summarize for you some interesting source materials, some of which are available online. As it is a rather big topic I will be adding to it over time, within the original posting, so please check back.

Origin and Growth of the Worship of Amaterasu

by Matsumae Takeshi

This compact but comprehensive study begins with an overview of the prevalence of sun-deities—both male and female—in Japan and Korea. The paper presents a strong case that of all the sun deities, the one which became Amaterasu of the Imperial line, was originally worshipped as the male deity Amateru by the Ama (or Amabe) clans of Ise, who were connected with fishing and the sea. He also makes a case that Sarutahiko no kami was also a solar deity of the Ise area. A strong case is made for the possibility that Amaterasu was therefore originally a male deity—which is one reason that an unmarried priestess was chosen to serve the deity of Ise shrine (as a wife serves a husband). He also contends that Ise shrine was most likely established during the reign of Emperor Keitai in the fifth century when the Outer Shrine (geku) was founded to worship the deity of grain, Toyouke. Apparently many Ise related incidents are recorded from this time. I have also been told—in relation to Usa Jingu in Oita—that facilities to prepare food for offering to the deity were likely created before the main shrine. If that was the case, it may be that the geku was actually established just before the naiku. At present, the order is considered to be the reverse and several hundred years apart. He also contends that the original object of worship was not the sacred mirror (yata) but the sacred pillar (shin no mihashira) and that two distinct lines of ritual developed, one based on the original rituals and one on those "imported" from Yamato. If so, this would be typical of the pattern at many of the older shrines, whereby the original deity was supplanted (but preserved in a subordanate position) by the conquering Yamato clans. Finally, he conjectures that before that adaptation of the sun deity of the Ama, the deity of the Imperial line was Takamimusubi. Though he does not go into detail about the reasons, my own research reveals that this is the prevalent view of scholars today. If you read one paper about the origins of Amaterasu, this should be it.

Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/1069

Alone among Women: A Comparative Mythic Analysis of the Development of Amaterasu Theology by Matsumura Kazuo.

This is a study of the mythology of Amaterasu and the concept of the virgin goddess, which can be applied to her as well as to goddesses found throughout the world. (The study concludes with a comparison of Amaterasu and Athena). The author explains how Amaterasu was free of the perceived pollution of birth by being born of her father alone, and of herself bearing kami without sexual contact and without the birthing process. Acknowledging the role of her brother Susano-o as essential to the result, he nevertheless contrasts her with Izanami who did experience the pollution of birth and subsequently of death. He also relates how Amatarasu is given the position of expeditor between the food goddess who is slain by male gods (a Hainuwele-type myth found in many corners of the world), and the human race who receive the fruits of the food goddess through their utilization by Amaterasu (who plants received seeds to make the crops grow). He shows how the myth of food (especially rice) being received from Amaterasu is then extended to her ancestors—both the first generations to descend from heaven and to the later Emperors—through word association and ritual. I would add here that the emphasis on rice found throughout the Amaterasu myths, clearly dates the derivation from late-Jomon to early-Yayoi when rice farming became prevalent in Japan. Such dating is unintentionally but clearly contrary to the intended dating of the myths. The importance of silk is also highlighted in the mythical sequence wherein Susano-o skins a pony and tosses it into the weaving-hall of Amaterasu—the act that finally forces her to flee to the "heavenly-rock cave." The author shows how this myth is related to the origins of silk production in Japan, and how the myth is originally from fourth-century B.C. China. This is another illustration of one of the author's main premises, that the Kojiki and Nihon shoki need to be seen in the light of the cultural milieu in which they were written, in order to gain a better understanding of their meaning.

Online at http://www2.kokugakuin.ac.jp/ijcc/wp/cpjr/kami/matsumura.html

The Origins of the Grand Shrine of Ise and the Cult of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu Omikami

by Akima Toshio.

Utagawa Yoyokuni
courtesy of Wikipedia

In this breathtaking study of a number of primary Shinto myths, the author brings us convincingly to the conclusion that Amaterasu is the result of a combination of the deities of Yamato (especially Mount Miwa) and those of the peoples of the Ise region (where the Jingu came to be located and identified with the Emperor). In this respect, his conclusions resemble those of Matsumae Takeshi (see the summary of Origin and Growth of the Worship of Amaterasu).

   There are several important aspects of his thesis. For one thing, he relates the myths of the goddess of the undersea world which are older than those of the sun goddess (a likely scenario for people who relied on the sea for sustenance long before they became farmers). In these myths, a mortal often marries the goddess of the undersea world, after which a miracle child is born or some special powers imparted. The author relates these myths to the rituals involving "escorting" the soul of the dead Emperor to the ne no kuni under the sea (an ancient Japanese conception of the land of the dead), and relates these rituals to the Asobi-be group of female shaman/ritualists. In other words, travel to the ne no kuni was associated not only with death, but also with new life. The idea of reviving the dead is later embodied in the tale of Amaterasu and the Cave of Heaven (heavenly-rock cave), and the Chinkonsai—held at the winter solstice.

   Of all the female shaman, some of the most important were 1. the aunt of Emperor Sujin, Yamato-totobi Momoso-hime, who was said to be the wife of the kami of Mt. Miwa, Omono-nushi, as well as the person who the Chinese identified as Himiko and who is believed to be buried in the Hashihaka kofun. 2. Ame no Uzume, who danced before the Cave of Heaven and lured Amataterasu out. She later married the sun god Sarutahiko and became the progenitor of the Sarume clan who the author believes were a branch of the Asobi-be. Both Ame no Uzume and Sarutahiko were local kami of Ise. 3. Yamato-hime, who was entrusted with finding a home for Amaterasu when Emperor Sujin removed the mirror from the emperor's residence. She also became the first female shaman of Ise (saigu) and is believed to be the model for the image of Amaterasu as a female deity. The author relates how most of the sun deities that were worshiped in various parts of the country, were male deities. The typical ancient pattern was that of a female shaman, married to or serving a male deity (often of the sun).

Probably around the time of Sujin, the male emperor or a male surrogate became "married to" a female deity. The female shaman lost political power and instead took on the position of revitalizing the spirit of the emperor. Thus the goddess of the undersea world is joined by a goddess of the sun, both wedded to the Emperor, and demonstrating his dominion over land and sea. 

   The new center of the sun goddess became (at that time the most eastern port) Ise, home of the Asobi-be, Ame no Uzme, and Sarutahiko (whose position as a sun god becomes diminished). It is also interesting in this context, that Sarutahiko was considered a god of the underworld. One can easily imagine how, in the ancient mind, the sun rising "from" and descending "into" the sea (underworld), was related to the roles of the deities. 

   At the same time, the older center of Yamato worship, Mt. Miwa continued as the primary seat of the Emperor-cult and the rising economic and military power of the Yamato state, until the true emergence of Ise during the reigns of Emperor Tenmu and Empress Jito.

   I'm sure that, after you have read it, you will find his thesis far more convincing than my summary of it. Indeed, it is a complex web of mythologies and several readings of this important paper are required to make clear the transitions that culminated in the one settled on as it was written in Tenmu and Jito's time. This study is related to two others by the author—one on death rituals and one on the goddess of the undersea world—which I hope to review for you next.

Added: May, 18, 2013

Online at http://shinku.nichibun.ac.jp/jpub/pdf/jr/IJ0407.pdf

The Myth of the Goddess of the Undersea World and the Tale of Empress Jingu's Subjugation of Silla

by Akima Toshio.

Tsukioka Yoshitoshi "Jingu"
courtesy of Wikipedia

This study of what the author considers an older (possibly retaining elements of Jomon beliefs) and originally more important mythology than that of the sun goddess, goes somewhat beyond the main topic of this blog entry; Amaterasu omikami and Ise Jingu. But it forms part of the basis of the piece above which explains the transition from the primacy of  this mythology to that of the sun goddess. It is the third of a series of three studies by this author that I am summarizing in this blog.

   One of the primary reasons for the study was to debunk the "Horse-rider theory" of Egami Namio in which it is claimed that an invading group from Korea set up the Imperial line from about the late fourth century. But he does this, in part, by showing how myth and history are mixed in the tale of Empress Jingu. He explains his belief that the Jingu-Ojin mythology is based on the myth of the goddess of the undersea world and the world beyond the sea. Jingu is the quintessential shaman/water-woman who commands the fish in the sea, the tides, and who receives the gifts of the god of the undersea world.  The author shows how the tale of Jingu's son, Emperor Ojin, is also based on the myth of the undersea goddess (identified with the mythical Jingu) who gives birth to a child who is, in a sense, the resurrected spirit of the dead Emperor Chuai brought back from the ne no kuni beyond the sea (in this case, Korea) by the female shaman. While it is true that Japan became involved in territorial battles on the Korean peninsula and held suzerainty over certain territories, the idea that Japan conquered Silla is as ahistorical as that of Korea conquering Japan. However it is known that as commerce and political contacts increased, so too was the culture of Korea imported. This caused a revolution in Japanese technology as well as political advances that began around the time of Ojin (who may also be a mythical figure). Intermarriage with Korean royal families was also prevalent. The height of this tendency was probably during the sixth through seventh centuries when the Korean immigrant family, the Soga, dominated the Imperial Court and married their daughters to the Imperial line. Thus, in the mythology of Empress Jingu (usually called Jingu Kogo), fundamental Japanese myths are represented as history in order to deliver complicated truths in simple story form. This is as true for the tale of Empress Jingu as it is for the entire Nihon shoki.

Added: June, 1, 2013

Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/2513

The Songs of the Dead: Poetry, Drama, and Ancient Death Rituals of Japan

by Akima Toshio.

This study is the earliest of the three papers by this author, which I have reviewed on this page. As with The Goddess of the Undersea World it's main topic is not Amaterasu but gives additional background for the formation of the author's views on the roots of worship of Amaterasu at Ise. It is also an important study of death rituals which are at the very heart of native Japanese religious practices.

The study is centered on poetry (more properly referred to as uta or "songs") which are found in the Kojiki, Nihon shoki, Manyoshu and other ancient writings. The particular focus is those songs which the author considers sung to the dead as they depart for the other world, or songs sung by the dead themselves. He uses evidence of references in the poems—such as to the unasaka; the imagined slope at the end of the horizon that carried ships to the underworld—to reinforce his theories of the relation between the land of the dead, the sea, foreign countries, and the concept of bringing the dead back to life, which are an integral part of early Japanese mythology. He also uses the rituals for the dead to connect the dots between the ancient female shaman of the Asobi-be who conducted such singing and dancing rituals, to the Sarume, to the nenbuttsu odori, to the Hijiwake family who were the male successors of the Asobi-be, to the Kanae and Hosho families of No performers and the evolution of mugen no as a combination of ancient death rituals with stories about how those ritual developed.

Another breathtaking work of detection to rival the fiction of Dan Brown.

Added: June, 15, 2013

Online at http://www.jstor.org, which requires a free registration.

The Myth of the Descent of the Heavenly Grandson

by Matsumae Takeshi

This work examines the myth of the descent of the heavenly grandchild to a mountaintop in Kyshu and the mythological beginnings of the Imperial line. In so doing the author makes a point, which has been made in a number of other works and is widely acknowledged by now; myth often develops in order to explain the "divine" origins of already established rituals and practices. In this case he sets out to establish that the heavenly descent of Prince Hononinigi (usually shortened to Ninigi no mikoto), whose name means "abundant rice ears" and who seems to originally be a rice spirit, is a mythical explanation of the roots and rituals of two ceremonies: the Daijosai ceremony for the investiture of a new emperor, and the Ninameisai harvest festival from which it developed. He shows how this ceremony relates to the concept of the "rice baby" and how the original descent myth depicted Hononinigi as a child, wrapped in a coverlet (which is still used in the Daijosai festival). He describes how Hononinigi, whose father was Oshihomimi ("big rice-ears"), was sent to earth at the behest of Takami-musubi who he also considers to be a fertility deity and the main deity worshipped by the emperor before the advent of Amaterasu. He also believes that the worship of Hononinigi originally belonged to the Hayahito people of southern Kyushu who were subjugated and their beliefs incorporated into the Imperial myths. He goes on to describe how Ameterasu—who he considers a local deity of Ise—was incorporated into the myth of the descent of the rice deity (which then became identified as the heavenly grandchild) to a mountain top in southern Kyushu (the name of which, Takachiho, also meant "abundant rice ears") which he believes did not originally describe an actual place. He sees this as a consequence of the influence of China and Korea where deities of heaven are supreme and where rulers often descended to mountaintops to begin rule of their respective kingdoms. Therefore he views the Imperial mythology as a combination of continental influences (Korean descent myths, five-division system, etc.) and local mythologies of Ise (the Heavenly Cave myth, the Sarume, Sarutahiko, etc.). He also makes it clear that the deity known as Amaterasu was never worshipped in the Imperial court and that the story of how the yata mirror was sent out of Yamato by Emperor Sujin, to ultimately find a new home at Ise, was created to explain the origins of Ise as an imperial cult center. That supposed origin was pushed chronologically into the distant past when the Kojiki and Nihon shoki were compiled in the seventh and eighth centuries.

Added: June, 15, 2013

Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/1211

The Heavenly Rock-Grotto Myth and the Chinkon Ceremony

by Matsumae Takeshi

Another work by this scholar that examines how myth was used to explain the origin and function of certain ceremonies related to the emperor. In this case, the Chinkon-sai, which is a ritual to calm and revive the soul of the emperor, which he relates to the myth of Amaterasu hiding her light in a cave and being resurrected. He believes that this myth and its symbolism was originally related to the winter solstice when it was believed that the sun died and was resurrected. He also believes that the twenty-year ritual rebuilding of the Ise shrine called the sengu-sai, was originally part of the Kanname-sai harvest festival. The Kanname-sai was Ise's equivalent of the Niinamei-sai and held every year, but a special festival was held every twenty years. Both imperial and Ise festivals were held at roughly the same time, at the fall harvest, and the Chinkon-sai (also called the Mitamafuri no matsuri) was held the day before. The purpose of this ritual is to revive the soul of the emperor for the sake of his health, as it was believed that the soul wandered away during the long winter that was to come. During this ceremony an inverted tub (ukefune) was danced upon and struck with a vine-draped spear by a member of the Sarume clan. The author believes it was this same clan that conveyed these myths and rituals to the court at Yamato in the sixth or seventh century He also speculates that elements of the rituals and beliefs of the Mononobe clan were incorporated into the Chnkon-sai. He believes that the custom of tamamusubi (tying the soul so as to keep it from wandering) was originally a Yamato ritual that was overlaid with the Mononobe ritual of tamafuri (shaking the soul) for the purpose of reviving it. He believes (like Akima Toshio) that the Heavenly Cave myth and the worship of Amaterasu (or amateru) was imported from the Ise area.

Added: June 16, 2013

Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/1111

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

Building types (part 2)

Gongen-zukuri: Also called ishinoma- and yatsumune-zukuri, this style incorporates the honden and haiden under a single, complex roof. The irimoya-zukuri haiden and irimoya- or nagare-zukuri honden are connected by an intermediate space called the ainoma or ishinoma (reflecting its physical form) or heiden (reflecting its use), with the roof ridge of this space running perpendicular to the other roofs so that they form an I or an inverted T shape when viewed from above. (The view depends on the size of the ainoma relative to the other two structures.) The haiden has wings with slightly lower roof heights attached to the left and right sides. A gongen is a Shinto kami considered to be an avatar or manifestation of the Buddha. The style was named for Nikko Toshogu, where Tosho Daigongen (Tokugawa Ieyasu). The Buddhist-influenced structure is usually lacquered inside and out. In the case of Toshogu shrines, the style is highly elaborate, with carvings of fantastic animals and metalwork in copper and gold.

The following styles are primarily associated with the shrine from which they originate. Thus a sumiyoshi-zukuri style will only be found on Sumiyoshi shrines.

 Hachiman-zukuri: A unique style named for the original Usa Jingu Shrine in Kyushu and involving two parallel buildings standing so close to each other that they almost touch along the eaves. A narrow structure connects the buildings and features doors at either end, creating a sort of covered corridor. A large rain gutter runs the length of the roof under the eaves and above the lower roof of the intermediate space. The effect is of one building with a double-gable roof. The roof material is Hinoki Cypress bark, and there are no chigi or katsuogi. The woodwork is lacquered in vermillion, and the walls are white plaster. There are three doors on the entrance side (the non-gabled side of the front structure) and there may be a step canopy that extends over the stairway. The front structure is called the haiden, geden, or gejin (outer sanctuary), and the rear structure is called the honden, naiden, or naijin (inner sanctuary). Hachiman shrines often do not have typical haiden standing in front of the main building. Instead, they usually have a single-bay romon connected to a kairo that surrounds the main building. The romon is where worshippers pray, and it is the face of the shrine with which most people are familiar.

 Kasuga-zukuri: Named for Kasuga Taisha in Nara, this is generally a small one-by-one-bay honden. The bays are of different dimensions so that the width is about six feet while the depth is about eight and a half feet. The structure has a curving gable roof of cypress bark that features katsuogi and slender, rather curved chigi resembling crossed swords. The entrance is in the center on the gabled (front) side, while a pent roof covers the entrance stairway. The woodwork is lacquered in red with details in black, and the walls are white plaster. The staircase is made of solid square lengths of wood that span the full width of the building, with two square pillars rising from the base of the stair to support the pent roof.

 Sumiyoshi-zukuri: This style of honden has a gable roof with the entrance in the center of the gabled side. The structure is two bays wide by four deep. The roofline is flat and has a deep overhang on all four sides. There are katsuogi and very tall chigi. It somewhat resembles the shinmei style but all thesukiden structures

of the temporary ritual palace (daijokyu) built gejin) and rear (naijin) sections, with a wall and door parallel to the entrance separating the two walls are painted white. It is thought to derive from the shape of the wooden members are painted vermillion and the wooden plank andyukiden and sukiden structures of the temporary ritual palace (daijokyu) built for the enthronement rites of the emperor. The building's interior is divided into front (geijin) and rear (naijin) sections, with a wall and door parallel to the entrance separating the two.

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

It is not clear exactly when buildings were made to enshrine kami. It is likely that early shrine buildings were built by the same craftsmen who built temples and that both began to flourish from the seventh and eighth centuries. It is known that wooden-post, pit-dwelling structures were built from about 10,000 years ago. It is also known that some form of ritual was carried out in at least some of these structures from the remains of fertility figurines and other evidence of ritual found in archeological sites. Raised-floor storage structures, along with defensive structures such as lookout platforms and timber walls, were widespread in the Yayoi period. Rice storage structures and the residence of the chieftain appear to be prototypes of the shrine building. But the chief place of worship remained outdoors, especially in relation to waterways that were important for village survival and at the outskirts of villages where evil spirits threatened to enter and cause havoc.
            By the end of the Yayoi period, large earthen tombs called kofun were built and these two became sites of worship. Kofun construction came to an abrupt end at around the time Buddhism appeared and family temples and shrines became important centers of ancestor and deity worship.
            Here I offer another section from the Introduction to "Shinto Shrines" that highlights some of the most common shrine building styles. This excerpt is in two parts.


Building types (part 1)
While there are a number of building types, they fall into two categories. The first is a generic type not necessarily associated with any single shrine. The second is usually named after the shrine where the style originated. The second category may extend to no more than a handful of shrines in the same geographic location.

 Shinmei-zukuri: A type of honden construction associated with the rice storehouse and dating from the Yayoi period. A decorated bronze mirror from the fourth century depicts a similar style of building. It is a structure raised on stilts, with the floor level several feet above ground. It uses round wooden pillars between which boards are laid horizontally to form the walls. The wood is unpainted but copper or gold-plated hardware is used. There is a gabled roof that extends beyond the walls on all four sides. The roof material is rice straw (wara) or long grass like miscanthus (kaya), and it is finished with katsuogi and chigi that form a V above the roofline. The entrance is in the center on the non-gabled side, under the eaves, reached by a steep wooden ladderlike stair. There are no other doors or windows. On the gabled side, one pillar extends from the center of the roof ridge down to the ground, exterior to the wall. The pillars are buried directly in the ground. At some point, the architecture of the storehouse became the model for this style of shrine. The chief example is Ise Jingu in Mie Prefecture. Originally there was no veranda, but many do now have them, including Ise Jingu.

 Taisha-zukuri: A type of honden building that probably derived from the house (miya) of the village headman, who was responsible for performing rites for the kami. The basic style is considered one of the oldest building types. Wooden boards used for the walls sometimes run vertically, rather than horizontally as in the shinmei and sumiyoshi styles. It has a symmetrical gable roof with the gable on the front. The building is two-bays wide with the entrance in the front-right bay. The left bay has shitomido doors that are split horizontally with the upper half hinged at the top and opening upward, while the bottom half is removable. A veranda encircles the building, and stairs as wide as the entrance lead to ground level. Another characteristic of the style is the gabled roof over the stairs, which follows its steep angle. The chief example of the style is Izumo Taisha in Shimane Prefecture.

 Nagare-zukuri: This is probably the most common style of honden construction, found all around the country. The name means “flowing style,” and it is characterized by an asymmetric, upward-curving, gabled roof. The “flowing” roofline gives the style its name. The entrance is always in the center of the non-gabled side, and the roof there extends well past the wall to cover the veranda. It creates a full-width portico, sometimes with additional square pillars going from ground level up to the extended roof to support it along the eave (especially where the center section has been further extended to cover the stairs). A veranda wraps around three sides. A variation called ryonagare-zukuri has an extended roof on both front and back sides.

 Irimoya-zukuri: This is a general description of a building style that uses a hip-and-gable roof. The simple gable roof (called kirizuma-zukuri) forms an inverted V shape seen from the end. The surface may be flat, slightly concave, or convex. The hip-and-gable adds a lower, pent roof to the gable side, forming an A shape seen from the end. The full hip roof style (yosemune-zukuri) has four sloping rooflines, meeting at the top at a very short ridgepole. It creates a more or less symmetrical profile and a roof that looks very large compared with the building. The full hip style is more common in temple construction. The hip-and-gable style is common for shrines.

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 3

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

A hanafuda with a poem by and
image of Kakinomoto Hitomaru
from the Manyoshu

  Manyoshu (Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves; mid-eigth century) - the oldest compilation of Japanese-style poetry (20 volumes) and a valuable source of language, religion, important places (including the names of shrines), and customs. Some poems are from as early as the fourth century, but most are from the seventh and early-eighth centuries. These are primarily long poems called choka, and short poems called tanka with both forms containing combinations of five and seven syllable meter. Beside the quality of the poetry and the insight into Japanese thought and emotion, it provides valuable information on places and people and names about one hundred and fifty plants of the time.

  Sumiyoshi taisha jindaiki (731 or 789) - a record of the Sumiyoshi Shrine in Settsu (present day Osaka), compiled by Tsumori Sukune Shimamaro and Tsumori Sukune Marodo in 731. The existing version, an account of the enshrinement and origin of the shrine as well as its property and treasures, is stamped with an official seal from 789.

  Gangoji Engi (747) - a record of the history and holdings of Gangoji Temple, includes accounts of older temples and valuable information on the introduction of Buddhism to Japan. In recent times, the actual date of this document has been called into question.

  Kogoshu (Gleanings from Ancient Tales; 807) - writings ordered by Emperor Heizei to Inbe no Hironari. The Inbe were a clan in charge of festivals and aspects of rites relating to the Emperor. They were also a family of ritual abstainers. The Kogoshu records a number of traditions and stories left out of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, and provides a slightly different angle on the official viewpoint of history, making it a much-referenced addition to those two works.

  Shinsen shojiroku (New Compilation of Register of Families; 815) - a list of 1,182 family names from the area around the capital acknowledged by the Yamato court, including about three hundred and twenty-six of foreign origin, one hundred twenty of whose country of origin is specified. Divides clan names into shinbetsu (descended from kami), kobetsu (descended from emperors), and banbetsu (descended from immigrants). An important source of the history of Japan's early families and of the role played by Chinese and Korean immigrants in the founding of the Yamato state.

  Kokin Wakashu (Collected Poems of Ancient and Modern Times; about 905) - the first collection of waka poems ordered by imperial request. This collection began a tradition of twenty-one poetry anthologies that extended to the year 1433. As with Manyoshu, mentions shrines and deities and reveals spiritual sensitivities of the time, but also emphases seasonal change and love poems. The ability of an emperor to produce a fine collection of poetry under his reign became a political as well as a social confirmation of his position and the stability of his court.

  Engishki (927-67) - details for implementing laws described in the Taiho and Yoro codes. The only existing part of what was a three-part document known as the Sandai Kyakushiki. The Engishiki is especially important to Shinto in that it gives the names of 2,681 “official” jinja (not including jinguji, miyadera, and others), festivals and rituals, prayers (norito), and the names of 3,132 kami. Along with the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, it is considered the third primary text of Shinto.

  Sendai kuji hongi  (also called Kujiki; possibly tenth century) - a work in ten volumes originally presented as a lost work of Soga no Umako and Shotoku Taishi, generally thought to be fraudulent. Nevertheless, it is a work from the early tenth century or possibly from the early eighth century, probably compiled by a member of the Mononobe clan. As such, though not what it was purported to be, it provides valuable information on the Mononobe and Owari who were early military clans claiming decent from the kami. It also puts forward a mythology based on the descent of Nigihayahi and the ten heavenly objects, found in no other writings on Shinto. It was accepted as authentic up until the seventeenth century and was one of the main scriptures of a branch of theology known as Yoshida Shinto.

There are several other writings also used for historical and religions reference, especially private journals (nikki), many from the eleventh century on, but I would like to briefly outline another category of ancient documentation. In addition to writings there are several types of excavated objects that include important clues to everything from daily life, to the history of Japanese Kingship. One of the most numerous of these objects are the mokkan. These are narrow, wooden slips on which Chinese characters are written in ink. They were used for many purposes but the two main ones were for shipping tags and documents including orders, requests, records, etc. However they were also used for administration and often contain the names of historical figures. The number of these mokkan discovered to date, though mostly incomplete fragments, number in the hundreds of thousands. The vast majority have been found in the Nara area and date from the seventh to eighth centuries. They have greatly aided in understanding the daily operation of the society, and offer a comparison of how systems were implemented versus how they were written in law. Of other objects that shed light on Kingship, two particularly important ones are both swords with inscriptions in Chinese. One is the Inariyama Sword, unearthed from a burial mound of the same name in Saitama Prefecture in eastern Japan. The sword contains a long list of names of family descendants ending with the author who claimed to be in the service of a King thought to be Emperor Yuryaku (r. 456-79). The sword, containing 115 Chinese characters, is dated to the late-fifth century and provides some verification of the reach of the central government at that time. Another important inscription is found on the Nanatsusaya no Tachi (“Seven-branched Sword”), dated to the mid-fourth century and housed at Isonokami Jinja. The inscription on this sword is broken and illegible in places, and what it actually says is still a matter of debate. However it does point to close relations between one Kingdom of Japan and one Kingdom of Korea from at least the mid-fourth century when the sword was probably created. The sword seems to verify an account in the Nihon shoki of a Seven-branched Sword being sent from the King of Paekche to Emperor Ojin in 372. The debate is over whether it was sent from an inferior to a superior or vs. versa. 

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 2

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

The Nihon shoki

(image from the website of Nara National Museum)

The first writings from Japan are known only through later mention or quotation in later documents. Here I list chronologically a number of important texts that are continuously being speculated about and reinterpreted, in order to better understand the development of Shinto and of Japanese history.

   Kenpo Jushichiju (Seventeen Article Constitution; possibly around 604 - as recorded in the Nihon shoki of 720), Taika Reform and Ritsuryo System (around 645), Omi Code (around 668), Asuka-Kiyomihara Code (689), Taiho Code (701), Yoro Code (718) - the initial organization and subsequent reorganizations of the country, initially along the lines of Chinese government and increasingly introducing uniquely Japanese constructs. A census of the population and land, the division of land and districts, the imposition of taxes, the creation of civil and penal codes, the division of the government into departments of State and Worship, and all matters relating to the governing of the country and religious affairs are gradually defined and established. 

  Kokki and Tennoki (National Records; 620) - an historical text and history of emperors and court nobles thought to have been written by Shotoku Taishi and Soga no Umako but destroyed by fire in 645.

  Kyuji (also known as the Kuji or Honji meaning “Ancient Tales”) and Teiki (Imperial Records) - thought to have been compiled in the mid-seventh century but no longer extant. The Ancient Tales probably contained myths and legends while the Imperial Records contained details on all the emperors up to that time. Said to be the basis for the Kojiki and Nihon shoki and mentioned in both books as existing texts that contained many “errors” and were in need of revision.

From this point we have the first Japanese writings still in existence.

  Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters; 712) - creation and founding myths, stories and names of the kami, list of emperors. These three scrolls are one of the two “primary” sources of Shinto beliefs. Largely ignored after it was compiled, until reexamined by scholars beginning in the mid-seventeenth century. It was recorded that a scholar named O no Yasumaro wrote down a set of documents previously memorized by someone named Hieda no Are. The documents memorized were a chronology of the ruling house (Sumera mikoto no hitsugi) and anecdotal historical accounts (Saki no yo no furugoto). It was written in a combination of Chinese characters that were read phonetically, a style called Man'yogana, and Chinese.

  Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan; 720) - contains the same creation and founding myths as Kojiki but adds several versions, and extends the chronology of the monarchs. It is also much longer than Kojiki (thirty volumes extant plus one lost volume vs. three for the Kojiki). It is the second “primary” source of Shinto beliefs. Both this and the Kojiki are a mixture of legend, myth, historical accounts and common beliefs. Because they are the oldest existing writings on these subjects, they have been much analyzed for both religious and historical truths and to understand the thinking of the ancient Japanese. Compiled by Prince Toneri (676-735), a son of Emperor Tenmu.

  Hitachi, Harima, Hizen, Bungo, Yamashiro and Izumo Fudoki (approximately 713-33) - the Fudoki is a gazetteer or report from the provinces of Japan. This report was ordered by the central government in 713 and was to contain practical information (names of places, products of the province, etc.), as well as local legends, myths and “strange events” as remembered by the elderly. Only a few of these survive, most of them only in fragments. These are valuable local histories and legends, and offer confirmation and contradiction of accounts in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki.

  Kaifuso (Fond Recollections of Poetry; 751) - the oldest collection of Chinese-style poetry (kanshi) written by Japanese, it contains one hundred and twenty poems by sixty-four authors, most of who were princes. Neither a historical no religious text, it provides background and a sense of the age.

  Shoku Nihongi (History of Japan; 797) - an officially compiled historical work covering the time from the reign of Emperor Mammu (697) to the second year of Emperor Konin (791). Provides valuable information about the Nara period and the official recognition of both kami (called jindo) and Buddhism. This is an important historical document, covering a key part of Japanese history. In total there are considered to be six national histories (rikkokushi) covering the mythological age to 887, beginning with the Nihon shoki and continuing to the Shoku Nihongi (697-791), Nihon Koki (792-833), Shoku Nihon Koki (833-50), Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku (850-58), Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku (858-87). They are written in “kanbun”, another system of assigning Japanese meaning and pronunciation to Chinese characters.

Excerpts
From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 1

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

The Nihon shoki
(image from the website of Nara National Museum)

The late introduction of writing skills to Japan (circa 400) is the reason we must rely on archeological evidence and Chinese documents up until the first surviving texts of Japanese myth, religion, poetry and history from the early eighth century. Writing and reading Chinese began about mid-sixth century with the importation of texts and scholars who could teach them. The writing system was slowly absorbed and its characters adapted to Japanese speech and meaning. While texts from the early seventh century are referred to in later works, the earliest authenticated existing native texts are from the early eighth century (although these exist not in the original, but in the form of thirteenth to fourteenth century copies). Thus, whenever the topic of Shinto is razed in a religious, historical, or lexical context, the texts in this list are inevitably quoted.

   While it is likely that the so-called Yamato clans' consolidation of power was already beginning in the third century, the extension of centralized power over most of Kyushu and western and eastern Honshu continued apace with the adoption of the Chinese writing system, the incorporation of Buddhism as personal protector of the Emperor and of the nation, trade with the continent, Chinese style government, and the building of increasingly grand capitals from Asuka, to Fujiwarakyo, to Heijokyo (Nara), to Heiankyo (Kyoto). As recorded in the Kojiki, the third century king, Sujin, was called the “founder of the country” (although his reign is artificially assigned to 97-30B.C. and, despite the above reference, he is recorded as the tenth emperor). If, as is currently believed, his reign was in the early third century, it may have coincided with the visit by Chinese officials (as recorded in the Wei Chronicles), and with what they apparently believed was the reign of a queen they called Himiko. By the later half of the fifth century, Emperor Yuryaku was (posthumously) called “Great King Who Governs All Under Heaven,” probably reflecting another milestone in the consolidation of centralized power. 

   Attempts by the “center” to take control over the “periphery” continued to gain traction as time went on. But powerful clans were constantly struggling for position, and the supremacy of one over all was in constant flux. As part of the effort to retain power, the stability of royal succession became increasingly important. In the early sixth century, a succession crisis seems to have emerged when Yuryaku died and an overabundance of princes from his many marriages of convenience, vied for the thrown. 

   It took several short reigns and about thirty years before a new emperor, Keitai (r.507 to 531 or possibly to 518), a distant relative of Ojin, was brought in from one of the related northern clans. It may be about this time that the legend of Emperor Jinmu took shape amongst the ruling clans. When the story is eventually committed to paper in the eighth century, the reign of this mythological first emperor is artificially pushed back in time to 660B.C., in order to enhance the prestige of the Imperial lineage. It is probably about this time that the emperor is linked to direct descent from the sun goddess Amaterasu. 

   It seems that eventually myths emerged about the origins of the Japanese ruler that were woven into a continuous story. It begins with the beginning of heaven and earth and the names of the various kami who created and ruled. It emerges that one kami, the sun goddess Amaterasu omikami, is superior to the others. This kami was likely an adoption by the ruling class of a widespread worship of a sun gods and goddesses (or of the sun itself) that existed among a number of clans. The story further developed that this sun goddess was the ancestor of the royal family, when the grandchild of the sun goddess descends from heaven to earth on to a mountaintop in Southern Kyushu. This aspect of the story is thought to be an imported one, since similar myths are found throughout Asia. 

   In this new allegory, allied clan's ujigami (tutelary kami) were identified as those who were trusted by Amaterasu to protect the heavenly descendants. The great impetus for this historical and mythical consolidation came from Emperor Tenmu (r.672-86) and Empress Jito (r.686-697). Tenmu came to the throne by force and needed divine assistance to legitimize his reign. His older brother, Emperor Tenji (r.661-72) had likewise come to power by overthrowing the Soga clan. The Soga and Shotoku Taishi had ushered in Buddhism and Chinese-style government.  Tenji too passed Chinese-style laws to consolidate and strengthen his government, and Tenmu did likewise. But, power and legislation aside, real dynastic legitimacy came to rest on firmly establishing the emperor's divinity and his link to heaven. It is around Tenmu's time that the term “Tenno” (“Heavenly Sovereign”) is first applied to the emperor.

   Another impetus for establishing divine legitimacy was the fall of Paekche, the ancient Korean Kingdom with the closest ties to Japan, in 672, and the loss of territories on the Korean Peninsula. Tenmu had reason to fear the combined strength of the victors, the Kingdom of Silla, and the Tang Chinese who supported them. He was anxious to show Japan as a strong, unified country, with an ancient pedigree. He revived previous attempts to create national histories, which culminated in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki under the reign of granddaughter Empress Gensho (r. 715-24). Through these two writings and others listed below, the local worship of farmers and fisherman, weavers and warriors, gradually takes on the structure of a national mythology of the origins of the kami, the ruling class, and of Japan itself. The list below is by no means complete but provides much of the literary basis of discussion related to ancient Japanese history and religion. Later theories and permutations, such as those of the Watarai of the Outer shrine of Ise, Yoshida Shinto, and the work of the Kokugaku and Nativist Scholars, are all based on these works. The first writings relative to Japan are all of foreign origin and primarily historical accounts:

   The Wei Chronicles  (Wei-zhi; A.D.280-297) - a first hand report by an emissary from the Wei Dynasty to Japan (the exact location visited is a matter of speculation) in the years 239-248. It exists as a part of the Chronicles of the Three Dynasties (Sanguozhi) and covers the years 221 to 265. It is an important source of information on the “Kingdom of Wa” (an ancient Japanese kingdom) and its report of the so-called Shaman Queen Himiko and her successors. 

   Kwanggaet'o stele (A.D.414) - a stone monument to Kwanggaet'o, the ruler of one of the ancient Kingdoms of Korea, Koguryeo, from A.D.391-413. Certain inscriptions on this stone referring to the Wa and their contentious relations with Silla and Koguryeo (parts of present day South and North Korea and China) are the source of some controversy between Japanese and Korean historians. Not directly connected to Shinto but only an important verification that the ancient Japanese had crossed into Korea at least as early as the late fourth century.

   Hou Han-shu (Book of the Later Han; A.D.445) - another Chinese history compiled mostly from other works (including the Wei Chronicles), covers the years A.D.25 to 220 and adds some additional information about the country of Yamadai (Yamaichi) and the King of Wa. 

   Song shu (A.D.488) - a Chinese history that contains accounts of the “Five Kings of Wa,” and the titles granted them by China between the years 438 and 502. Provides valuable clues to Japanese history that help to verify some later historical accounts and disprove others.

   Buddhist sutras and Chinese philosophy (from A.D.538 on or possibly earlier) - the usual date given for Buddhism's introduction to Japan begins with a gift of a statue of the Buddha and a sutra written in Chinese. By the reign of Emperor Shomu (r.724-49), some 200 years later, a sutra-copying department was created in the government. The introduction of Buddhism and writing transformed Japan forever. Other ancient Chinese texts transformed the ruling philosophy of the fledgling Japanese government and provided a model for everything from governance, to city building, to court life and the role of the King. Such texts as the Analects of Confucius, the Book of Rites, The History of the Former Han, The Rites of Chou and many others were all available to the Japanese court, along with interpreters and teachers, from the mid-sixth century on. They provide much of the structure and many of the concepts that inform later Japanese ideas about the role of governing and the governed. Confucianism becomes the moral underpinning of Japanese society and defines the relation of the ruler to the ruled.

   Kudara Hongi (Paekche Pon'gi; prior to A.D.700) - another Korean historical text, no longer extant, that was apparently used as reference material by the compilers of the Nihon shoki. Two other lost documents, Kudara-ki and Kudara-shinsen were also probably used at some point.

Excerpts
From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

Kami Part 3
In the last part of this excerpt, I highlight those kami who are not native to Japan but who came to be accepted as Japanese through various means. In this segment I draw particular attention to the "Seven Gods of Good Fortune" called the shichifukujin. Though also considered "folk deities" because they tend to lie at the conjunction of faith and superstition—with an emphasis on the latter, they are a clear expression of the "earthy" aspect of Japanese religiosity. 

Imported and amalgamated kami: These deities came either with the immigrants who had worshipped them in their own land, or by way of Buddhism which brought with it Indian, Chinese, and Korean traditions (including Daoist and Confucian elements). Some of the deities are called by the generic term banshin. Such gods as Gozu Tenno of Yasaka Jinja originated outside Japan. Buddhist deities were also called banshin, but in later times the term was most often applied to deities worshipped by Korean immigrants. A sort of subset of imported kami are the marebito (visiting kami) who come and go- (as in the case of Ebisu, Sukunahikona and others), often from over or under the sea. They are associated with the mythology of the stranger who enters the isolated village for a short time, bringing prosperity or destruction. The stranger is often reveled to be a powerful kami whose actions depend on whether he has been treated with good or ill will. 

    In most cases deities were not simply imported, but amalgamated and mixed with native traditions to the extent that they became “original Japanese” deities. One particular grouping of imported and domestic gods came to be known as the shichifukujin (“seven lucky gods”), which are worshipped at Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines alike. They are originally individual deities that were brought together as a group in the fifteenth century, probably under the influence of the Daoist tale about the “Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove.” They are often depicted together, riding in a treasure boat (takarabune), and are the most visually represented kami in terms of paintings and sculpture.

    As in other parts of the world, in Japan seven is an auspicious number, and a shichifukujin pilgrimage (shichifukujin meguri) is conducted around the New Year to pray for happiness and prosperity. The pilgrimage, which predates the popular first shrine visit of the year (hatsumode), is usually a short route of seven shrines or temples that can be completed easily in a few hours. The deities are so well known and loved in Japan that a more detailed description of them follows here.

Shichifukujin on an emma

Benzaiten: This is the only female in the group. Benzaiten was originally the Hindu god Sarasvati, daughter of the dragon king, a goddess of water, and by extension, of things that “flow” (such as music and poetry). The god was absorbed into Buddhism as Benzaiten and brought to Japan, where she was further identified with a kami of grains, Uga no mitama, and also with a white snake (water is often associated with a snake or dragon). Though primarily a goddess of water (shrines to Benzaiten are mostly located near the ocean or lakes and ponds), she is also considered a goddess of the arts. The deity is depicted either in her original eight-armed form or, more often, as a two-armed, charming, lute-playing young woman.

Bishamonten: This is another Buddhist-absorbed Hindu god, which was originally called Vaisravana. Bishamonten is one of the “four heavenly kings” (shitenno) that guard the four directions. He is a fierce warrior god who expels demons and protects worshippers of the Lotus Sutra. He is often depicted holding a spear in one hand and a pagoda in the other. The pagoda represents the treasure house that he protects and the treasures that he distributes. Considered a god of fortune, the deity is also known as Tamonten.

Daikokuten: The deity started as the Hindu god Mahakala, depicted as a black, multi-armed deity. In China he was adopted into Buddhism as a deity of the kitchen. The Chinese characters used for his name mean “big black.” In Japan he also became associated with Okuninushi no mikoto, in which case he is called Daikoku (“great land”) sama. A god of wealth and the bountiful harvest, he is usually depicted sitting or standing on bales of rice while holding the mallet of plenty in one hand and a sack of treasure slung over his back with the other. He is also a god of fertility and often depicted as a pair with Ebisu.

Ebisu: The only original Japanese god in the grouping, Ebisu is a deity of fishermen and good fortune. His origin is ambiguous, but he was always found in fishing communities and is strongly related to a bountiful catch. He is depicted holding a fishing pole and a sea bream, which is called tai in Japanese. The fish is associated with good fortune because the expression omedetai means auspicious or joyous. Ebisu is the happiest of gods and reflective of the simple joys of the common people. He is sometimes considered the son of Daikoku.

Fukurokuju: A Chinese sage of good fortune, probably originating in Daoist tales. Associated with wealth and longevity, he is always depicted with an elongated, phallic-looking forehead, long beard, a staff and a scroll of the Lotus Sutra. He is not amalgamated with Buddhist or Shinto deities. As a god of wisdom, good fortune, virility, and longevity, he expresses typical concerns of the Daoists.

Jurojin: Another Daoist sage, Jurojin is most likely the same god originally as Fukurokuju. Though he is not usually depicted with an elongated forehead, all of the other physical aspects and associated myths are identical. He is a god of longevity and usually depicted with animals that represent long life such as a white stag. He carries a staff and a scroll of knowledge.

Hotei: Based on a popular tenth-century Chinese sage named Pu-tai (or Budai), he is identified with the Buddha of the future, Maitreya. As a god of happiness, he is portrayed as a “jolly fat man” with a big belly sticking out of his open robe. He has a bald head and huge earlobes—signs of good luck and happiness. He carries a huge bag endlessly full of gifts together with a “wish-fulfilling fan.”