Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

Another post from the book relating to the architecture of shrines. As some readers may know, the vast majority of existing shrine buildings (as distinct from the founding of the shrine and what may or may not have been its original structure) were built between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. Most have been repaired or totally rebuilt but have managed to keep something close to the original style. The pitched roof is standard for all such buildings and very early on—perhaps as early as the seventh or eighth centuries—pent roofs were often added. While this is not yet a chidorihafu it is easy to see the evolution of the false dormer from the pitched roof - pent roof combination. The obviously separate pent roof—as in the Kasuga-zukuri style—evolved differently from what might be called the continuous-flowing combination of gable and pent roof known as a hip and gable (irimoya-zukuri) roof, which is more common. This combination was also prominent in both the shoin and shinden architectural styles. However it was probably not until the extensive building of castles got underway that the chidorihafu became a standard of any building attempting to express nobility or strength. While this sentiment may seem unrelated to shrines at first glance, it is important to remember that shrines were always built by the nobility. Therefore the aesthetic is closely connected and the chidorihafu became a standard of Shinto shrines and castles alike. Along with this, the slightly more decorative karahafu was used at an early date and can also be seen on castles from the sixteenth century. Though said to be from China (Jp. kara), this is not confirmed. It is often considered the more "noble" of the two and used more sparingly, for example, just over the main entrance. These two features do not apply to some specific shrine types, particularly as it concerns the honden. But even in these cases, the haiden (which may possibly have been constructed at a later date) is likely to contain chidorihafu and karahafu. As to chigi and katsuogi, many have been added after the Meiji period in an attempt to fall into line with the idea that Ise Jingu and its shinmei zukuri style, represented the "true" or most "elite" Shinto style. Here then is an excerpt from the book on a few of the common building characteristics of Shinto shrines.

Building Characteristics

Measurements: The traditional Japanese measurement system (shakkan-ho) came to Japan from China. The metric system was adopted in 1924 but the old system is still used in traditional building. Shrines are usually measured in bays (ken), with a bay being the distance between two columns. The actual measurement of one bay varies according to age, location, and custom. Excavations of Heian-period Kyoto show a bay having a span of 9.8 feet (from center to center of the pillar), whereas in the Edo period a bay measured about six feet-where it has remained to this day. The extremely large bays of Izumo Taisha measure about eighteen feet, but they are exceptional for shrines. The size of the bay may also vary within the same structure. The traditional Japanese length of measure is the shaku, which is 30.3 centimeters or about one foot. It is further divided in ten parts, called sun. Generally the standard is six shaku to a bay.

Wood construction: Japan is noted for its Hinoki Cypress(Chamaecyparis obtusa), which have provided most of the wood for both shrine and temple construction over the centuries. The structures all use post-and-lintel construction with cut and fitted joints. The use of nails or glue is limited. Some shrine types have the main pillars planted directly in the ground. Most shrines since the eighth century have pillars resting on stone bases, as do Buddhist temples. Infill walls may be wooden board or clay and plaster over bamboo lath.

Periodic rebuilding: Shikinen sengu means a periodic rebuilding of the shrine. The period is often fixed at twenty or twenty-one years, but it varies by shrine. The reasons for the rebuilding are ritual renewal to maintain purity; the natural deterioration of wood construction (especially where pillars are planted directly in the ground); and the need to train new carpenters in the ancient building techniques before the older carpenters die off (however, temples did not follow the custom, which seems to lend weight to reasons of ritual purity). The most famous such rebuilding is that of Ise Jingu, the preeminent shrine of Japan. Though many shrines that once underwent this renewal process are currently designated Important Cultural Properties and are only repaired, not rebuilt., Ise Jingu still observes a twenty-year rebuilding cycle. It has been carried out since the seventh century, uninterrupted except for a hundred-year interval between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Some of the 125 structures at Ise are rebuilt at twenty-year intervals, while others are rebuilt every forty years or as need be.

Painted or unpainted: It is widely thought that shrines are made in unfinished wood and temples are painted, but this is incorrect. Both can be found in unfinished or polychromed wood. Where paint is used, a vermillion or cinnabar red generally predominates. Toshogu shrines tend to have the most ornate polychroming. Certain types of shrine building are never painted (and probably never were). Shinmei- and taisha-zukuri are two such styles. Others, such as Toshogu, Sumiyoshi, and Kasuga, are always painted (please see the descriptions of these styles below).

Roof types: There are several roof types, surfaced in one of a number of materials: straw; kaya (miscanthus); cypress bark; cedar or other wood shingle; copper shingle; copper tile; and at a later date ceramic tile. (Tile is used primarily in temple construction.) Roofs are always gabled, and one of the most common types is the irimoya-zukuri (hip-and-gable style). The other common style is called nagare-zukuri and is essentially an asymmetrical gable, with one side extended to cover the stairway on the entrance (front) side. The other primary type is the yatsumune roof found on buildings that combine the honden and haiden in one (see below).

Chidorihafu and karahafu

Key features: False A-shaped dormers called chidorihafu are a common feature on shrines, especially on the haiden from the sixteenth century onward. They are generally featured on the front side, in the center of the roof. Below them is often found a curved-bargeboard roof feature called a karahafu. It is usually on the edge of the roof directly over the entrance, or on an extended roof canopy overhanging the stairs (kohai). It is also a key feature of elaborate gates and the extensive use of both types give Japanese castles their distinctive appearance. Other key features include pent roofs, verandas, and bracket sets supporting the roof eaves and veranda.

Chigi and katsuogi

Chigi and katsuogi: These are the most distinctive markings of Shinto shrines, though they only appear on some building types. Chigi are forked finials supporting the ridge board and extending past the ridge to form a V shape above the roofline, or sitting on the ridge to form an X shape. They are thought to be the remnants of the roof brace poles that were lashed together with rope in ancient construction styles. Today they are usually symbolic additions that sit on top of the roof ridge at each end. The direction of the cut at the end of the chigi may indicate the presence of a male or female kami-a vertical cut indicating a male, and a horizontal cut indicating a female. Katsuogi are log-like forms that sit on top of the roof ridge, perpendicular to it; they usually number five or six, but there may be as few as two or as many as twelve. The katsuogi (so named because they resemble dried katsuo bonito) once served to help weigh down the ridge and hold the straw roof in place. But at least by the fifth century, they also became decorative elements adorning the emperor's palace, according to an entry in the Kojiki relating to Emperor Yuryaku (r. 456-79). As early as the sixth century, the right to erect chigi and katsuogi was extended to include the homes of powerful families. Today both katsuogi and chigi are used to adorn certain types of shrine buildings, especially those in the shinmei, taisha, Sumiyoshi, and Kasuga styles.

Tomoe

Emblems: Most shrines sport a crest that is a representation of either the enshrined kami, the clan that founded the shrine, or the shrine's status. They are generally round marks with some type of pattern within, such as the hollyhock of the Kamo shrines, the yatagarasu three-legged crow of the Kumano shrines, or the chrysanthemum of shrines associated with the imperial court. An emblem common to many shrines is the mitsu tomoe representing the division of heaven, earth and man.

Susano-o

The "Dark Brother" of Amatarasu; Susano-o no mikoto 
and the traditions of Izumo Taisha

Susano-o by Kuniyoshi
(courtesy of Wikipedia)

While 2013 is most significant in the world of Shinto for the twenty-year rebuilding (shikinen sengu) of Ise Jingu, the second most significant event may be the sixty-year refurbishing of Izumo Taisha in Shimane Prefecture. I have gone into some detail about this impressive shrine in Shinto Shrines; A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion. Here I will summarize some of the research that relates to the shrine and its deities. As readers of the book and this blog are probably aware, Izumo Taisha enshrines Okuninushi no okami who is the son (or sixth-generation ancestor depending on the source) of Susano-o. The latter deity is said to be the brother of Amaterasu omikami of Ise Jingu, and is portrayed as the "dark force" to Amaterasu's "light force" in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. Though never couched in quite those terms, the story is the quintessential "good guys vs. bad guys" scenario. As you might expect, the "bad guy" is in many ways the more complex and more interesting of the two. His ancestor, Okuninushi, is also a very interesting and significant kami and may even represent the influence and contribution to Japanese culture made by peoples form the Asian mainland—especially those from the ancient kingdoms of Korea. Hopefully I will have a chance to recount some of the more interesting research related to Okuninushi in future entries. For this entry, however, I want to concentrate on Susano-o. Though he is not the deity of Izumo Taisha as I mentioned above, he embodies the spirit of independence of the region as well as reveling some of the character of the early Yamato polity by the way it represented its opposition.

Izumo as the 'Other Japan': Construction vs. Reality
by Klaus Antoni
This first piece is a sort of overview of the issues related to Izumo and its position in the history and mythology of Japan. The paper focuses on the ancient and the Meiji era history and how these became intertwined to create the image of Izumo as an "exotic other" which tries to both be and not be a part of the Emperor-centric shinto mythology. The secondary focus of this article, as with so much of the discussion of Shinto (or of any faith) is how much effort—if any—should be put into trying to relate myth to actual history. The author discusses this issue in relation to the actual historical ties between the Izumo region and the ancient Korean kingdom of Silla (jp. shiragi) vs. the mythology in the Izumo fudoki, as well as the romantic writings of Lafcadio Hern who introduced a "dreamlike" Izumo to the world in his recounting of myths and fables vs the reality of late ninteenth century JapanY.

Antoni begins with a look back at the history of Izumo from the death of the 83rd guji of Izumo Taisha and kuni no miyatsuko of Izumo, Senge Takatoshi. In recounting the traditional independence of Izumo, he explains the position of kuni no miyatsko and its pre-Taika reform status and how the Senge clung to this now purely ceremonial status into the modern age. He then introduces the ninth-century Izumo Fudoki which recounts the mythology of the region from the point of view of the people who lived there. It may be recalled that the fudoki was a report made to the Yamato government by individual regions, recording their myths and deities and significant events. These were in-turn used to augment the official mythology that was compiled into the Nihon shoki. Antoni makes clear some of the differences between the official mythology and the original. In the original Izumo mythology, the most important myth is the "land-pulling" myth (kunihiki) which recounts how the main deity of Izumo, Yatsukamizu omitsuno no mikoto pulls several chunks of land from the kingdom of Silla and adds them on to the land of Izumo to enlarge it. Both this deity and this story are missing from the official mythology. On the other hand, Susano-o, a benign agricultural deity of the region, is given central position as the errant brother of the sun goddess, who tries to overturn the rule of heaven and gets his comeuppance in the end. But the real influence of this tail on later—and especially the Meiji—generations, is in the position of Susano-o's son, Okuninushi. Okuninushi is portrayed in the official mythology as the deity who surrendered the land to the rule of the heavenly grandson in return for being worshipped at Izumo Taisha and for being given domain over the invisible world which includes the soul after death. Much of the development of this idea is credited to late-Edo period scholar Hirata Atsutane. It is in this capacity, it was argued in early-Meiji, that Okuninushi and Izumo should be ranked equal to Amaterasu and Ise Jingu. Lafcadio Hearn who lived in Izumo during this time, did much to spread the image of the region as a "cultural heartland" of the very ancient and pure Japan that the Meiji oligarchs tried so hard to promote—but in relation to the Emperor and Ise. This conflict between history and myth, especially as it plays out in the ancient conflict between Izumo vs Yamato, Korea vs Japan, archaeological and textural evidence vs modern constructs, sets the background for the ongoing discussion of the significance of the Izumo region and its mythology.

Online at http://japanese-religions.jp/publications/assets/JR30_a_Antoni.pdf

Detail of Yamata no Orochi
by Toyohara Chikanobu

Susanoo: One of the Central Gods in Japanese Mythology  (21 September 2013)
by Emilia Gadeleva
This paper focuses on Susano-o and its premise is that the deity was one of rain/water/agriculture which by its very nature contained both positive and negative aspects. The concept is also put forth that the imperial myths which were transformed and codified in the eighth century were based on much older beliefs. In other words, the author disputes the idea that assignment of negative characteristics to this deity was purely politically motivated and instead sees the primary pairing of a rain and sun god (Susano-o and Amaterasu) as a natural consequence of an agriculturally based society (near the conclusion of the paper, the author points out how this important pair could also be characterized as a benign and predictable sun vs an unpredictable and sometimes destructive rain). Her conclusions are the result of textural studies of the five remaining fudoki as well as the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. She also reviews the opinions of a number of Japanese scholars who see Susano-o as everything from a deity of the underworld, to a political foil for the consolidation of the Amaterasu-centric Yamato state, to a benign agricultural deity, to a deity of forests and shipbuilders, to a deity worshipped by Korean immigrants.

Susano-o mythology is looked at from the point of view of four phases: beginning with the character of Susano-o as a young boy, his constant crying and causing of disasters in his desire to go to "the land of his mother" (ne no kuni) is highlighted. Then, as a young man, his exuberance and violence is highlighted and a parallel is drawn with Yamato Takeru—that other violent hero of Japanese mythology. Next comes his transformation from bad actor to hero and benefactor when he slays the goddess of grains (an act of destruction which results in the positive birth of the five-grains), slays a dragon and saves a maiden. Finally, the paper takes a look at his role as lord of the neither world and father of Okuninushi. Along the way his negative image is highlighted as the result of two atributes; his reckless exuberance (unintentional "badness") and his rivalry with his sister, Amaterasu (more intentionally bad). While his positive image is related to his slaying of the dragon in Izumo (water and the image of dragons is closely related in ancient custom) and either his slaying of the food goddess (Kojiki) or his planting of trees (Nihon shoki). As to Susano-o's depiction in the fudoki, the author first refers to the fudoki of Bungo (present day Oita prefecture in Kyushu) where Susano-o is identified with the deity of the northern seas called Muto. He is depicted in a story where he is considered a god of the sea who brings calamities upon those who do not respect him, and he is considered a foreign god (banshin). However, in relation to Susano-o it is the Izumo fudoki which is of prime importance. Here the author looks for the roots of the name itself and its connection to rice and agriculture. In reference to one myth recorded here the author points out the mention of the deity of Kumano Shrine, a prominent shrine in both Izumo and Kumano in the Kii Peninsula. The importance of this god was said to have determined the roles of the hereditary worker groups (be) in relation to their religious duties, and that one of these was responsibility for offering clean food and water to the gods. The deity worshipped at both Kumano shrines is Susano-o—again tying this deity to agriculture, water and the cleanliness of food (Susano-o's reason for killing the food goddess is the unclean way in which she offered him food). Later on, the author relates the name Kumano to the ancient word kuma meaning "rice offered to the gods." Through the connection with Kumano Shrines as well as with numerous references to Korea (including the possibility that the name Susano-o is related to the Korean word susung meaning "shamen") in the myths relating to Susano-o, the author concludes that Susano-o was originally modeled on the priesthood which was responsible for food offerings and for predicting the amount and timing of rainfall. The latter responsibility exposed the shamen to criticism and blame when too little or too much rainfall was forthcoming—hence the image of the god as destructive. Perhaps also because of the relation of the location of the Kumano Shrines at what was believed to be the entrance and exit to ne no kuni (the neither world or more literally "land of roots"), Susano-o came to be seen as the ruler of the ne no kuni. Though not originally considered a negative place but one of rebirth and revitalization, ne no kuni eventually became associated with yomi no kuni, the place of death and pollution. This too contributed to the negative image of this important and complex deity. Interesting and detailed research.

Online at http://shikon.nichibun.ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/123456789/1446/1/IJ1209.pdf

Susano-o slaying the dragon
by Kuniteru

The Land-Pulling Myth and Some Aspects of Historic Reality (22 September 2013)
by Anders Carlquvist

This paper focuses on an important aspect of Izumo mythology as mentioned in the previous paper: The Land-Pulling Myth. The author seeks the true significance of this important myth, from the Izumo Fudoki, in aspects of recorded history. The author begins by recounting the myth while annotating its four chapters which refer to four different pieces of land that were "pulled" and "attached" to the Land of Izumo by the deity called Yatsukamizu Omitsuno. That land includes; Kidzuki Cape, pulled from Silla in Korea; Sada. pulled from Sakai Country; Kurami, pulled from Yonami Country; and Miho, pulled from Tsutsu Cape in Koshi. The exploration for meaning begins with looking at similar myths from other counttries. The author finds numerous references in Asia to new land being dredged up from the sea but finds nothing like the "cutting" of land that appears in this myth. The author looks as far afield as Scandinavia and finds some compelling similarities but concludes that the connection is tenuous. In support of the theory that the land-pulling myth represents the "countries" allied to form the socio-political-economic Izumo Alliance, the author extensively outlines the number and size of kofun (burial mounds of the late Yayoi period)  in the area and their possible relation to the relative strength of the areas mentioned in the myth. Though the fudoki was compiled at a much later period, the author argues that elements of the ancient power centers survived. While recounting the writers of the Izumo Fudoki and their position—especially that of kuni no miyatsuko—the author goes on to explain some of the key differences in the interpretation of the fudoki and the kiki* of deities who were central to the Land-ceding myth. The Land-ceding myth explains how the heavenly ancestor of the imperial house, came to be the ruler of the land of Japan by gaining suzerainty over the land of Izumo. These differences reflect the way hat Izumo and Yamato viewed their positions. Finally, the author recounts a second prominent myth from Izumo fudoki that of the wani—and uses this as part of his argument that the real purpose of the Izumo fudoki was to assert the rights of the kuni no miyatsuko and emphasize the willingness of the region to protect itself from encroachment by the Yamato state. The inclusion of a strong relation to the Korean kingdom of Silla and the area of Koshi—both of which which had previously fought and won a major battle with the Yamato state—serves also as a warning to treat Izumo as a docile, yet dangerous, ally. Thus the author concludes that the significance of the land-pulling myth is defensive and political.

* the Kojiki and Nihon shoki

Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/3016

The Kusanagi Sword (October 26, 2013)
by Nelly Naumann
This paper focuses on one of the three symbols of power, known as the "Three Regalia" (sanshu no jingi), associated with the accession of the emperor. The three are the Yata no kagami (mirror), Yasakani no magatama (jewel) and the Kusanagi no tsurugi (sword). Although a symbol of power of the emperor, the Kojiki and Nihon shoki relate that the sword had its origins in Izumo. The sword is kept at Atsuta Jingu in Nagaoya and this paper follows the origins and mythology attached to it.

Much uncertainty surrounds all the regalia including whether or not the current objects are copies of the originals or copies of copies, and of what provenience. The Nihon shoki recounts that when Emperor Sujin became fearful of the power of the two kami (Yamato no okunitama and Amaterasu) as embodied in the sword and mirror, he sent them out of the palace. The mirror went to Ise and the sword was enshrined at "Anashi in Yamato" and later put under the care of the Yamato no Atae and finally sent to Ise. How it is that the sword resides at Atsuta Jingu is part of one of several lines of mythology which this paper attempts to follow. The first line, which Naumann describes as essentially political in nature, has us follow the discovery of the sword by Susano-o in the tail of the eight-headed serpent which he kills on his arrival in Izumo. He then sends it to his sister Amaterasu as a token of sincere apology (servitude?) and she bestows it upon her nephew Ninigi when he descends to rule the land (hence its role in imperial succession). Many generations later the sword is given for protection to Yamato-takeru by his aunt the saigu of Ise Jingu, while he is on his way to subdue the tribes of the East. Before his last mission, he leaves the sword with his wife, a daughter of the Wohari clan, and she enshrines it at Atsuta Jingu after he is killed.

   The second important line is the more natural one; the sword stays in the family of Susano-o and resides in Izumo. This line is supported by the sojourn of Susano-o's son Okuninushi to the underworld to visit his father. He is assisted in overcoming the trails through which his father puts him by Suseri-bime with who he flees, taking with him the sword of life, the bow-and-arrows of life, and the talking zither, with which he will rule the land. In this line, Susano-o naturally bestows three regalia on his own son who is to be the new ruler of the land and the serpent symbolism is seen as one of new life generated from death. 

   But there is a third line which posits that the sword always belonged to the Wohari clan and may only have been lent to Tenmu, who saw to it that it figured prominently in the royal succession. This theory takes its support from two directions. First, the implausibility and convoluted stories relating to how the sword was visited upon the emperor and how it came to reside at Atsuta. Second, is the historical relationship between the house of Wohari and that of the imperial family. Beside the fact that the Wohari saved Tenmu's bacon so-to-speak in his war against his brother's son to gain the throne, the author points out that the Wohari traced their family back to the third son of Ninigi and were therefore of the same lineage as the emperor. A Wohari consort of Emperor Keitai bore two sons who became Emperor Ankan and Emperor Senka. Only the entries for Keitai and Senka in the Nihon Shoki record accession rites involving the Kusanagi sword. There is also the curious recorded incident of the monk Dogyo stealing the sword in the year 688 and making for Korea. Inclement weather forced the monk to return and the sword was kept in the palace for eighteen years before being sent (returned?) to Atsuta after it was deemed to be the cause of Emperor Tenmu's illness. Naumann concludes that the third line is the most plausible with the qualification that the sword most likely did originate in Izumo and may have been a sign of that countries subordination to Yamato and of Yamato's early reliance on the clans of its eastern-most territories.

Online at http://www.freidok.unifreiburg.de/volltexte/4635/pdf/Naumann_The_kusanagi_sword.pd 

The Susano-o character from an RPG game

Sakahagi: The "Reverse Flaying" of the Heavenly Piebald Horse (20 March 2014)
by Nelly Nauman
I am finally getting around to the last of these papers dealing with the "dark brother" of Amaterasu, Susano-o. It is another paper by the great German ethnologist and folklorist, Nelly Nauman. Here she focuses on an aspect of the mythology of the wild and rude behavior of Susano-o; the "Reverse Flaying" of a piebald horse. Briefly, after Susano-o and Amaterasu have a contest to see who can produce the best children, Susano-o declares himself the winner and proceeds to revel in his victory resulting in all manner of "sins" such as defiling the heavenly rice fields and the hall of the tasting of first fruits. All this is forgiven but when he "reverse flays" a piebald horse and dumps it through a hole in the ceiling of the sacred weaving hall, he frightens the weaving maiden (or Amaterasu herself) who strikes herself in the genitals with the shuttle and dies. This causes Amaterasu to hide herself away which causes the world to go dark. Nauman says that most studies of the myth gloss over this event as just one more in a series of misdeeds by Susano-o. But Nauman delves further to try to uncover the deeper meaning behind this "final straw". She begins with the concept of "reverse flaying" which she associates with other types of reverse actions such as reverse clapping and reverse drinking which are mentioned elsewhere in Japanese mythology. It seems that the very action of reversing what are normally life affirming actions are considered a cause of death. In this case, we have the death of the weaving maiden or indeed of Amaterasu herself who then "hides away" in a cave sealed with a huge stone in the same way that kofun tombs were used to bury the dead. She also goes into a detailed explanation of how the opposite action (the putting on of a new skin) can symbolize the attainment of new life. Through another series of myths, especially Chinese,  she relates the piebald horse to the moon and also explains how it was probably a cultic figure in Japan. She then interprets the dropping of the reverse-flayed piebold skin into the weaving house as the death of the moon (represented by the horse) and the killing of the light (represented by the weaving maiden). His punishment, besides banishment from heaven, is to have his nails and his hair pulled out. This is seen as a kind of exorcism and purification allowing him to transform into a giver of and protector of life as is seen by his subsequent actions on earth. As this disappearance of the light is followed by another disappearance (that of Amaterasu into the cave) Nauman fells that these are similar myths from two different cultures (Izumo and Yamato) mixed together because of their similarities. Such mixing of myths and the grafting of contemporary (i.e eighth century myths) onto late Jomon and Yayoi myths (weaving was likely introduced in the very late Jomon or early Yayoi) is what makes Japanese mythology so difficult to decipher. Nauman shows us again how the coincidence of imagery can lead us astray while a broader and deeper search for meaning enriches our understanding.
Online at http://nirc.nanzan-u.ac.jp/nfile/1155

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

Building types (part 2)

Gongen-zukuri: Also called ishinoma- and yatsumune-zukuri, this style incorporates the honden and haiden under a single, complex roof. The irimoya-zukuri haiden and irimoya- or nagare-zukuri honden are connected by an intermediate space called the ainoma or ishinoma (reflecting its physical form) or heiden (reflecting its use), with the roof ridge of this space running perpendicular to the other roofs so that they form an I or an inverted T shape when viewed from above. (The view depends on the size of the ainoma relative to the other two structures.) The haiden has wings with slightly lower roof heights attached to the left and right sides. A gongen is a Shinto kami considered to be an avatar or manifestation of the Buddha. The style was named for Nikko Toshogu, where Tosho Daigongen (Tokugawa Ieyasu). The Buddhist-influenced structure is usually lacquered inside and out. In the case of Toshogu shrines, the style is highly elaborate, with carvings of fantastic animals and metalwork in copper and gold.

The following styles are primarily associated with the shrine from which they originate. Thus a sumiyoshi-zukuri style will only be found on Sumiyoshi shrines.

 Hachiman-zukuri: A unique style named for the original Usa Jingu Shrine in Kyushu and involving two parallel buildings standing so close to each other that they almost touch along the eaves. A narrow structure connects the buildings and features doors at either end, creating a sort of covered corridor. A large rain gutter runs the length of the roof under the eaves and above the lower roof of the intermediate space. The effect is of one building with a double-gable roof. The roof material is Hinoki Cypress bark, and there are no chigi or katsuogi. The woodwork is lacquered in vermillion, and the walls are white plaster. There are three doors on the entrance side (the non-gabled side of the front structure) and there may be a step canopy that extends over the stairway. The front structure is called the haiden, geden, or gejin (outer sanctuary), and the rear structure is called the honden, naiden, or naijin (inner sanctuary). Hachiman shrines often do not have typical haiden standing in front of the main building. Instead, they usually have a single-bay romon connected to a kairo that surrounds the main building. The romon is where worshippers pray, and it is the face of the shrine with which most people are familiar.

 Kasuga-zukuri: Named for Kasuga Taisha in Nara, this is generally a small one-by-one-bay honden. The bays are of different dimensions so that the width is about six feet while the depth is about eight and a half feet. The structure has a curving gable roof of cypress bark that features katsuogi and slender, rather curved chigi resembling crossed swords. The entrance is in the center on the gabled (front) side, while a pent roof covers the entrance stairway. The woodwork is lacquered in red with details in black, and the walls are white plaster. The staircase is made of solid square lengths of wood that span the full width of the building, with two square pillars rising from the base of the stair to support the pent roof.

 Sumiyoshi-zukuri: This style of honden has a gable roof with the entrance in the center of the gabled side. The structure is two bays wide by four deep. The roofline is flat and has a deep overhang on all four sides. There are katsuogi and very tall chigi. It somewhat resembles the shinmei style but all thesukiden structures

of the temporary ritual palace (daijokyu) built gejin) and rear (naijin) sections, with a wall and door parallel to the entrance separating the two walls are painted white. It is thought to derive from the shape of the wooden members are painted vermillion and the wooden plank andyukiden and sukiden structures of the temporary ritual palace (daijokyu) built for the enthronement rites of the emperor. The building's interior is divided into front (geijin) and rear (naijin) sections, with a wall and door parallel to the entrance separating the two.

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

It is not clear exactly when buildings were made to enshrine kami. It is likely that early shrine buildings were built by the same craftsmen who built temples and that both began to flourish from the seventh and eighth centuries. It is known that wooden-post, pit-dwelling structures were built from about 10,000 years ago. It is also known that some form of ritual was carried out in at least some of these structures from the remains of fertility figurines and other evidence of ritual found in archeological sites. Raised-floor storage structures, along with defensive structures such as lookout platforms and timber walls, were widespread in the Yayoi period. Rice storage structures and the residence of the chieftain appear to be prototypes of the shrine building. But the chief place of worship remained outdoors, especially in relation to waterways that were important for village survival and at the outskirts of villages where evil spirits threatened to enter and cause havoc.
            By the end of the Yayoi period, large earthen tombs called kofun were built and these two became sites of worship. Kofun construction came to an abrupt end at around the time Buddhism appeared and family temples and shrines became important centers of ancestor and deity worship.
            Here I offer another section from the Introduction to "Shinto Shrines" that highlights some of the most common shrine building styles. This excerpt is in two parts.


Building types (part 1)
While there are a number of building types, they fall into two categories. The first is a generic type not necessarily associated with any single shrine. The second is usually named after the shrine where the style originated. The second category may extend to no more than a handful of shrines in the same geographic location.

 Shinmei-zukuri: A type of honden construction associated with the rice storehouse and dating from the Yayoi period. A decorated bronze mirror from the fourth century depicts a similar style of building. It is a structure raised on stilts, with the floor level several feet above ground. It uses round wooden pillars between which boards are laid horizontally to form the walls. The wood is unpainted but copper or gold-plated hardware is used. There is a gabled roof that extends beyond the walls on all four sides. The roof material is rice straw (wara) or long grass like miscanthus (kaya), and it is finished with katsuogi and chigi that form a V above the roofline. The entrance is in the center on the non-gabled side, under the eaves, reached by a steep wooden ladderlike stair. There are no other doors or windows. On the gabled side, one pillar extends from the center of the roof ridge down to the ground, exterior to the wall. The pillars are buried directly in the ground. At some point, the architecture of the storehouse became the model for this style of shrine. The chief example is Ise Jingu in Mie Prefecture. Originally there was no veranda, but many do now have them, including Ise Jingu.

 Taisha-zukuri: A type of honden building that probably derived from the house (miya) of the village headman, who was responsible for performing rites for the kami. The basic style is considered one of the oldest building types. Wooden boards used for the walls sometimes run vertically, rather than horizontally as in the shinmei and sumiyoshi styles. It has a symmetrical gable roof with the gable on the front. The building is two-bays wide with the entrance in the front-right bay. The left bay has shitomido doors that are split horizontally with the upper half hinged at the top and opening upward, while the bottom half is removable. A veranda encircles the building, and stairs as wide as the entrance lead to ground level. Another characteristic of the style is the gabled roof over the stairs, which follows its steep angle. The chief example of the style is Izumo Taisha in Shimane Prefecture.

 Nagare-zukuri: This is probably the most common style of honden construction, found all around the country. The name means “flowing style,” and it is characterized by an asymmetric, upward-curving, gabled roof. The “flowing” roofline gives the style its name. The entrance is always in the center of the non-gabled side, and the roof there extends well past the wall to cover the veranda. It creates a full-width portico, sometimes with additional square pillars going from ground level up to the extended roof to support it along the eave (especially where the center section has been further extended to cover the stairs). A veranda wraps around three sides. A variation called ryonagare-zukuri has an extended roof on both front and back sides.

 Irimoya-zukuri: This is a general description of a building style that uses a hip-and-gable roof. The simple gable roof (called kirizuma-zukuri) forms an inverted V shape seen from the end. The surface may be flat, slightly concave, or convex. The hip-and-gable adds a lower, pent roof to the gable side, forming an A shape seen from the end. The full hip roof style (yosemune-zukuri) has four sloping rooflines, meeting at the top at a very short ridgepole. It creates a more or less symmetrical profile and a roof that looks very large compared with the building. The full hip style is more common in temple construction. The hip-and-gable style is common for shrines.

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 3

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

A hanafuda with a poem by and
image of Kakinomoto Hitomaru
from the Manyoshu

  Manyoshu (Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves; mid-eigth century) - the oldest compilation of Japanese-style poetry (20 volumes) and a valuable source of language, religion, important places (including the names of shrines), and customs. Some poems are from as early as the fourth century, but most are from the seventh and early-eighth centuries. These are primarily long poems called choka, and short poems called tanka with both forms containing combinations of five and seven syllable meter. Beside the quality of the poetry and the insight into Japanese thought and emotion, it provides valuable information on places and people and names about one hundred and fifty plants of the time.

  Sumiyoshi taisha jindaiki (731 or 789) - a record of the Sumiyoshi Shrine in Settsu (present day Osaka), compiled by Tsumori Sukune Shimamaro and Tsumori Sukune Marodo in 731. The existing version, an account of the enshrinement and origin of the shrine as well as its property and treasures, is stamped with an official seal from 789.

  Gangoji Engi (747) - a record of the history and holdings of Gangoji Temple, includes accounts of older temples and valuable information on the introduction of Buddhism to Japan. In recent times, the actual date of this document has been called into question.

  Kogoshu (Gleanings from Ancient Tales; 807) - writings ordered by Emperor Heizei to Inbe no Hironari. The Inbe were a clan in charge of festivals and aspects of rites relating to the Emperor. They were also a family of ritual abstainers. The Kogoshu records a number of traditions and stories left out of the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, and provides a slightly different angle on the official viewpoint of history, making it a much-referenced addition to those two works.

  Shinsen shojiroku (New Compilation of Register of Families; 815) - a list of 1,182 family names from the area around the capital acknowledged by the Yamato court, including about three hundred and twenty-six of foreign origin, one hundred twenty of whose country of origin is specified. Divides clan names into shinbetsu (descended from kami), kobetsu (descended from emperors), and banbetsu (descended from immigrants). An important source of the history of Japan's early families and of the role played by Chinese and Korean immigrants in the founding of the Yamato state.

  Kokin Wakashu (Collected Poems of Ancient and Modern Times; about 905) - the first collection of waka poems ordered by imperial request. This collection began a tradition of twenty-one poetry anthologies that extended to the year 1433. As with Manyoshu, mentions shrines and deities and reveals spiritual sensitivities of the time, but also emphases seasonal change and love poems. The ability of an emperor to produce a fine collection of poetry under his reign became a political as well as a social confirmation of his position and the stability of his court.

  Engishki (927-67) - details for implementing laws described in the Taiho and Yoro codes. The only existing part of what was a three-part document known as the Sandai Kyakushiki. The Engishiki is especially important to Shinto in that it gives the names of 2,681 “official” jinja (not including jinguji, miyadera, and others), festivals and rituals, prayers (norito), and the names of 3,132 kami. Along with the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, it is considered the third primary text of Shinto.

  Sendai kuji hongi  (also called Kujiki; possibly tenth century) - a work in ten volumes originally presented as a lost work of Soga no Umako and Shotoku Taishi, generally thought to be fraudulent. Nevertheless, it is a work from the early tenth century or possibly from the early eighth century, probably compiled by a member of the Mononobe clan. As such, though not what it was purported to be, it provides valuable information on the Mononobe and Owari who were early military clans claiming decent from the kami. It also puts forward a mythology based on the descent of Nigihayahi and the ten heavenly objects, found in no other writings on Shinto. It was accepted as authentic up until the seventeenth century and was one of the main scriptures of a branch of theology known as Yoshida Shinto.

There are several other writings also used for historical and religions reference, especially private journals (nikki), many from the eleventh century on, but I would like to briefly outline another category of ancient documentation. In addition to writings there are several types of excavated objects that include important clues to everything from daily life, to the history of Japanese Kingship. One of the most numerous of these objects are the mokkan. These are narrow, wooden slips on which Chinese characters are written in ink. They were used for many purposes but the two main ones were for shipping tags and documents including orders, requests, records, etc. However they were also used for administration and often contain the names of historical figures. The number of these mokkan discovered to date, though mostly incomplete fragments, number in the hundreds of thousands. The vast majority have been found in the Nara area and date from the seventh to eighth centuries. They have greatly aided in understanding the daily operation of the society, and offer a comparison of how systems were implemented versus how they were written in law. Of other objects that shed light on Kingship, two particularly important ones are both swords with inscriptions in Chinese. One is the Inariyama Sword, unearthed from a burial mound of the same name in Saitama Prefecture in eastern Japan. The sword contains a long list of names of family descendants ending with the author who claimed to be in the service of a King thought to be Emperor Yuryaku (r. 456-79). The sword, containing 115 Chinese characters, is dated to the late-fifth century and provides some verification of the reach of the central government at that time. Another important inscription is found on the Nanatsusaya no Tachi (“Seven-branched Sword”), dated to the mid-fourth century and housed at Isonokami Jinja. The inscription on this sword is broken and illegible in places, and what it actually says is still a matter of debate. However it does point to close relations between one Kingdom of Japan and one Kingdom of Korea from at least the mid-fourth century when the sword was probably created. The sword seems to verify an account in the Nihon shoki of a Seven-branched Sword being sent from the King of Paekche to Emperor Ojin in 372. The debate is over whether it was sent from an inferior to a superior or vs. versa. 

Excerpts

From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 2

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

The Nihon shoki

(image from the website of Nara National Museum)

The first writings from Japan are known only through later mention or quotation in later documents. Here I list chronologically a number of important texts that are continuously being speculated about and reinterpreted, in order to better understand the development of Shinto and of Japanese history.

   Kenpo Jushichiju (Seventeen Article Constitution; possibly around 604 - as recorded in the Nihon shoki of 720), Taika Reform and Ritsuryo System (around 645), Omi Code (around 668), Asuka-Kiyomihara Code (689), Taiho Code (701), Yoro Code (718) - the initial organization and subsequent reorganizations of the country, initially along the lines of Chinese government and increasingly introducing uniquely Japanese constructs. A census of the population and land, the division of land and districts, the imposition of taxes, the creation of civil and penal codes, the division of the government into departments of State and Worship, and all matters relating to the governing of the country and religious affairs are gradually defined and established. 

  Kokki and Tennoki (National Records; 620) - an historical text and history of emperors and court nobles thought to have been written by Shotoku Taishi and Soga no Umako but destroyed by fire in 645.

  Kyuji (also known as the Kuji or Honji meaning “Ancient Tales”) and Teiki (Imperial Records) - thought to have been compiled in the mid-seventh century but no longer extant. The Ancient Tales probably contained myths and legends while the Imperial Records contained details on all the emperors up to that time. Said to be the basis for the Kojiki and Nihon shoki and mentioned in both books as existing texts that contained many “errors” and were in need of revision.

From this point we have the first Japanese writings still in existence.

  Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters; 712) - creation and founding myths, stories and names of the kami, list of emperors. These three scrolls are one of the two “primary” sources of Shinto beliefs. Largely ignored after it was compiled, until reexamined by scholars beginning in the mid-seventeenth century. It was recorded that a scholar named O no Yasumaro wrote down a set of documents previously memorized by someone named Hieda no Are. The documents memorized were a chronology of the ruling house (Sumera mikoto no hitsugi) and anecdotal historical accounts (Saki no yo no furugoto). It was written in a combination of Chinese characters that were read phonetically, a style called Man'yogana, and Chinese.

  Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan; 720) - contains the same creation and founding myths as Kojiki but adds several versions, and extends the chronology of the monarchs. It is also much longer than Kojiki (thirty volumes extant plus one lost volume vs. three for the Kojiki). It is the second “primary” source of Shinto beliefs. Both this and the Kojiki are a mixture of legend, myth, historical accounts and common beliefs. Because they are the oldest existing writings on these subjects, they have been much analyzed for both religious and historical truths and to understand the thinking of the ancient Japanese. Compiled by Prince Toneri (676-735), a son of Emperor Tenmu.

  Hitachi, Harima, Hizen, Bungo, Yamashiro and Izumo Fudoki (approximately 713-33) - the Fudoki is a gazetteer or report from the provinces of Japan. This report was ordered by the central government in 713 and was to contain practical information (names of places, products of the province, etc.), as well as local legends, myths and “strange events” as remembered by the elderly. Only a few of these survive, most of them only in fragments. These are valuable local histories and legends, and offer confirmation and contradiction of accounts in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki.

  Kaifuso (Fond Recollections of Poetry; 751) - the oldest collection of Chinese-style poetry (kanshi) written by Japanese, it contains one hundred and twenty poems by sixty-four authors, most of who were princes. Neither a historical no religious text, it provides background and a sense of the age.

  Shoku Nihongi (History of Japan; 797) - an officially compiled historical work covering the time from the reign of Emperor Mammu (697) to the second year of Emperor Konin (791). Provides valuable information about the Nara period and the official recognition of both kami (called jindo) and Buddhism. This is an important historical document, covering a key part of Japanese history. In total there are considered to be six national histories (rikkokushi) covering the mythological age to 887, beginning with the Nihon shoki and continuing to the Shoku Nihongi (697-791), Nihon Koki (792-833), Shoku Nihon Koki (833-50), Nihon Montoku Tenno Jitsuroku (850-58), Nihon Sandai Jitsuroku (858-87). They are written in “kanbun”, another system of assigning Japanese meaning and pronunciation to Chinese characters.

Excerpts
From Shinto Shrines: A Guide to the Sacred Sites of Japan's Ancient Religion

In the interests of keeping this blog's classifications to a minimum, I am including the following under the title "Excerpts" even though it is not in the book. In was in fact edited out before the book went to press in favor of using the space for other entries. So one could say it is an "excerpt wannabe."

It is a rather long entry which I am splitting into three parts. Hopefully, the intro adequately explains the  reason for the entry and the contents.

Here is Shinto in Ancient Texts  Part 1

Shinto in Ancient Texts (prior to the year A.D.1000)

The Nihon shoki
(image from the website of Nara National Museum)

The late introduction of writing skills to Japan (circa 400) is the reason we must rely on archeological evidence and Chinese documents up until the first surviving texts of Japanese myth, religion, poetry and history from the early eighth century. Writing and reading Chinese began about mid-sixth century with the importation of texts and scholars who could teach them. The writing system was slowly absorbed and its characters adapted to Japanese speech and meaning. While texts from the early seventh century are referred to in later works, the earliest authenticated existing native texts are from the early eighth century (although these exist not in the original, but in the form of thirteenth to fourteenth century copies). Thus, whenever the topic of Shinto is razed in a religious, historical, or lexical context, the texts in this list are inevitably quoted.

   While it is likely that the so-called Yamato clans' consolidation of power was already beginning in the third century, the extension of centralized power over most of Kyushu and western and eastern Honshu continued apace with the adoption of the Chinese writing system, the incorporation of Buddhism as personal protector of the Emperor and of the nation, trade with the continent, Chinese style government, and the building of increasingly grand capitals from Asuka, to Fujiwarakyo, to Heijokyo (Nara), to Heiankyo (Kyoto). As recorded in the Kojiki, the third century king, Sujin, was called the “founder of the country” (although his reign is artificially assigned to 97-30B.C. and, despite the above reference, he is recorded as the tenth emperor). If, as is currently believed, his reign was in the early third century, it may have coincided with the visit by Chinese officials (as recorded in the Wei Chronicles), and with what they apparently believed was the reign of a queen they called Himiko. By the later half of the fifth century, Emperor Yuryaku was (posthumously) called “Great King Who Governs All Under Heaven,” probably reflecting another milestone in the consolidation of centralized power. 

   Attempts by the “center” to take control over the “periphery” continued to gain traction as time went on. But powerful clans were constantly struggling for position, and the supremacy of one over all was in constant flux. As part of the effort to retain power, the stability of royal succession became increasingly important. In the early sixth century, a succession crisis seems to have emerged when Yuryaku died and an overabundance of princes from his many marriages of convenience, vied for the thrown. 

   It took several short reigns and about thirty years before a new emperor, Keitai (r.507 to 531 or possibly to 518), a distant relative of Ojin, was brought in from one of the related northern clans. It may be about this time that the legend of Emperor Jinmu took shape amongst the ruling clans. When the story is eventually committed to paper in the eighth century, the reign of this mythological first emperor is artificially pushed back in time to 660B.C., in order to enhance the prestige of the Imperial lineage. It is probably about this time that the emperor is linked to direct descent from the sun goddess Amaterasu. 

   It seems that eventually myths emerged about the origins of the Japanese ruler that were woven into a continuous story. It begins with the beginning of heaven and earth and the names of the various kami who created and ruled. It emerges that one kami, the sun goddess Amaterasu omikami, is superior to the others. This kami was likely an adoption by the ruling class of a widespread worship of a sun gods and goddesses (or of the sun itself) that existed among a number of clans. The story further developed that this sun goddess was the ancestor of the royal family, when the grandchild of the sun goddess descends from heaven to earth on to a mountaintop in Southern Kyushu. This aspect of the story is thought to be an imported one, since similar myths are found throughout Asia. 

   In this new allegory, allied clan's ujigami (tutelary kami) were identified as those who were trusted by Amaterasu to protect the heavenly descendants. The great impetus for this historical and mythical consolidation came from Emperor Tenmu (r.672-86) and Empress Jito (r.686-697). Tenmu came to the throne by force and needed divine assistance to legitimize his reign. His older brother, Emperor Tenji (r.661-72) had likewise come to power by overthrowing the Soga clan. The Soga and Shotoku Taishi had ushered in Buddhism and Chinese-style government.  Tenji too passed Chinese-style laws to consolidate and strengthen his government, and Tenmu did likewise. But, power and legislation aside, real dynastic legitimacy came to rest on firmly establishing the emperor's divinity and his link to heaven. It is around Tenmu's time that the term “Tenno” (“Heavenly Sovereign”) is first applied to the emperor.

   Another impetus for establishing divine legitimacy was the fall of Paekche, the ancient Korean Kingdom with the closest ties to Japan, in 672, and the loss of territories on the Korean Peninsula. Tenmu had reason to fear the combined strength of the victors, the Kingdom of Silla, and the Tang Chinese who supported them. He was anxious to show Japan as a strong, unified country, with an ancient pedigree. He revived previous attempts to create national histories, which culminated in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki under the reign of granddaughter Empress Gensho (r. 715-24). Through these two writings and others listed below, the local worship of farmers and fisherman, weavers and warriors, gradually takes on the structure of a national mythology of the origins of the kami, the ruling class, and of Japan itself. The list below is by no means complete but provides much of the literary basis of discussion related to ancient Japanese history and religion. Later theories and permutations, such as those of the Watarai of the Outer shrine of Ise, Yoshida Shinto, and the work of the Kokugaku and Nativist Scholars, are all based on these works. The first writings relative to Japan are all of foreign origin and primarily historical accounts:

   The Wei Chronicles  (Wei-zhi; A.D.280-297) - a first hand report by an emissary from the Wei Dynasty to Japan (the exact location visited is a matter of speculation) in the years 239-248. It exists as a part of the Chronicles of the Three Dynasties (Sanguozhi) and covers the years 221 to 265. It is an important source of information on the “Kingdom of Wa” (an ancient Japanese kingdom) and its report of the so-called Shaman Queen Himiko and her successors. 

   Kwanggaet'o stele (A.D.414) - a stone monument to Kwanggaet'o, the ruler of one of the ancient Kingdoms of Korea, Koguryeo, from A.D.391-413. Certain inscriptions on this stone referring to the Wa and their contentious relations with Silla and Koguryeo (parts of present day South and North Korea and China) are the source of some controversy between Japanese and Korean historians. Not directly connected to Shinto but only an important verification that the ancient Japanese had crossed into Korea at least as early as the late fourth century.

   Hou Han-shu (Book of the Later Han; A.D.445) - another Chinese history compiled mostly from other works (including the Wei Chronicles), covers the years A.D.25 to 220 and adds some additional information about the country of Yamadai (Yamaichi) and the King of Wa. 

   Song shu (A.D.488) - a Chinese history that contains accounts of the “Five Kings of Wa,” and the titles granted them by China between the years 438 and 502. Provides valuable clues to Japanese history that help to verify some later historical accounts and disprove others.

   Buddhist sutras and Chinese philosophy (from A.D.538 on or possibly earlier) - the usual date given for Buddhism's introduction to Japan begins with a gift of a statue of the Buddha and a sutra written in Chinese. By the reign of Emperor Shomu (r.724-49), some 200 years later, a sutra-copying department was created in the government. The introduction of Buddhism and writing transformed Japan forever. Other ancient Chinese texts transformed the ruling philosophy of the fledgling Japanese government and provided a model for everything from governance, to city building, to court life and the role of the King. Such texts as the Analects of Confucius, the Book of Rites, The History of the Former Han, The Rites of Chou and many others were all available to the Japanese court, along with interpreters and teachers, from the mid-sixth century on. They provide much of the structure and many of the concepts that inform later Japanese ideas about the role of governing and the governed. Confucianism becomes the moral underpinning of Japanese society and defines the relation of the ruler to the ruled.

   Kudara Hongi (Paekche Pon'gi; prior to A.D.700) - another Korean historical text, no longer extant, that was apparently used as reference material by the compilers of the Nihon shoki. Two other lost documents, Kudara-ki and Kudara-shinsen were also probably used at some point.